Get this from a library! Colonialidad del poder, eurocentrismo y América Latina. [ Aníbal Quijano]. Eurocentrism, and Latin America. Aníbal Quijano has expertise in Political Science and History. Publication Preview. Colonialidad del poder, eurocentrismo. En América Latina y en el Caribe, desde siempre en su historia, está planteado un conflicto entre tendencias que se dirigen hacia una reoriginalización cultural.
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Consequently, neither the differences nor the identities will be any longer a source or argument for the social inequality of individuals; c. Instituto de Estudios Internacionales Pedro Gual, The Battle for Paradise: It will be necessary to demarcate the alternatives, as well as in Latin-American Spanish, as in the most common variants of Quechua in South America and in Aymara. The re-privatization of public spaces, mainly the State.
In that way a new industrial-financial capital was formed, which soon experienced a relatively fast global expansion.
Unemployment podsr to be a temporary or cyclical problem. Please link to source. This model of power is still globally hegemonic today, but also in its deepest and most existential crisis since its constitution for not much more than years.
Aníbal Quijano – Wikipedia
qujjano The Abya Yala Chapter. It is this historical context, where it is necessary to locate the whole debate and elaboration of the proposition of Bien Vivir. The tendency of communal association of the world population on a local, regional or global scale as a way of producing and managing collective authority directly and, with that precise meaning, as the most efficient mechanism to distribute and redistribute rights, obligations, responsibilities, resources, products, between groups and their individuals, qhijano every area of social existence sex, labor, subjectivity, collective authority and a co-responsibility regarding the relationship with all other living beings and entities on the podet or the whole universe.
The danger of sighing while looking up. The egalitarian redistribution of resources and products, tangible and intangible, of the world between the world population; f. The reconcentration of the control over labor, the resources of production and of production-redistribution.
Since the end of the 20th century, a growing proportion of the victims of that power model began to resist these tendencies in virtually the whole world. In that perspective, the proposition of Bien Vivir, is necessarily a historically open question which requires continuous inquiry, debate and praxis. With its imposition, today we are killing each other and destroying our common home.
In fact, all these populations, without any exception, come from historical experiences of power relationships.
The evolvement of these new historical tendencies qjijano industrial-financial capital lead to a prolonged booming and changing period, culminating in an explosion of an existential crisis in the power model as such, the Global Coloniality of Power, its ensemble and its crucial elements, since the second half of Resistance tends to evolve as the production of a new sense of social existence, life itself, precisely because the vast concerned population perceives with a growing intensity, that what is at stake here and now is not only their poverty as their never-ending way of existence, but rather and nothing less than their colonialidaf survival.
In other terms, it is one of the most central expressions of this existential crisis of this specific power model. But neither its historical-structural dependency in the Global Coloniality of Power, nor the modes of exploitation and domination inherent to this power model have been eradicated or sufficiently altered in order to make space for a democratic production and management of the State, nor its resources of production, nor the distribution and appropriation of the product.
Race, power, indigenous resistance The whole extensive historical formational process of the Global Coloniality of Colonilidad has entered a deep crisis. For the purpose of the present debate, it might be useful to cite only the most important ones. It has been translated with the permission of the author. But, in the context of a Global Coloniality of Power, this perspective was historically misleading. At a first moment it was a virtually official discourse. What is more, there are uninformed Eurocentrists, who want to make Sumac the same as Suma and propose to say Suma Kawsay.
Such a discovery implies necessarily that one cannot defend human life on earth without defending at the same time and in the same movement the conditions of the very life on earth. And there is, of course, a huge body of literature available in that regard.
Consequently, neither the differences nor the identities will be any longer a source or argument for the social inequality of individuals. Despite its new character, it did not cease to be attractive and persuasive although it turned out to be more and more paradoxical, ambivalent and ultimately historically impossible.
More information on his work can be accessed here.